反联邦党人文集中文版：反联邦党人全集

“一介农夫”是最敏锐的作者之一

 

Antifederalist No. 3

Like the nom(e) de plume “Publius” used by pro Constitution writers in the Federalist Papers, several Antifederalists signed their writings “A FARMER.” While the occupation of the writers may not have coincided with the name given, the arguments against consolidating power in the hands of a central government were widely read. The following was published in the Maryland Gazette and Baltimore Advertiser, March 7, 1788. The true identity of the author is unknown.

就像支持宪法的作者在《联邦党人文集》中使用笔名 "普布利乌斯"，几个反联邦党人也在他们的文章中署名 "一介农夫"虽然作者的职业可能与他们的笔名不一致，但反对巩固中央政府权力的论点被广泛阅读以下内容发表于1788年3月7日的《马里兰公报巴尔的摩广告报》。

作者的真实身份不详Antifederalist writers tended to select pseudonyms to connote agrarian origins and democratic simplicity. A favorite nom-de-plume was

"Farmer”, though one might doubt that this name always reflected the true occupation of the author.反联邦主义者倾向于选择假名，以暗示其农民出身和朴素民主观。

最受欢迎的笔名是“农夫”，尽管人们可能怀疑这个名字是否反映作者的真实职业One of the most astute writers to use this name, “A FARMER, " penned a series of essays from which the following is taken. It appeared in the Maryland Gazette and Baltimore Advertiser, March 7, 1788. The anonymous author argued that the American nation should not follow in the path of European history: that the Constitution, because it will create a consolidated central government of vast power, most surely will result in a repetition of the ancient evils

.“一介农夫”是最敏锐的作者之一，他写了一系列文章，下文摘自这些文章它刊登在1788年3月7日的《马里兰公报和巴尔的摩广告报》上这位匿名作者主张，美国不应重蹈欧洲历史的覆辙：因为这部宪法将创建一个拥有巨大权力的统一中央政府，所以它肯定会导致旧日噩梦重演。

There are but two modes by which men are connected in society, the one which operates on individuals, this always has been, and ought still to be called, national government; the other which binds States and governments together (not

corporations, for there is no considerable nation on earth, despotic, monarchical, or republican, that does not contain many subordinate corporations with various constitutions) this last has heretofore been denominated a league or confederacy. The term federalists is therefore improperly applied to themselves, by the friends and supporters of the proposed constitution. This abuse of language does not help the cause; every degree of imposition serves only to irritate, but can never convince. They are national men, and their opponents, or at least a great majority of them, are federal, in the only true and strict sense of the word.

人们在社会中的联系只有两种模式，一种是作用于个人的模式，这一贯并仍应被称为全国政府；另一种是将国家和政府（不是市政当局，因为世界上任何一个大国，无论是专制的、君主制的还是共和制的，都包含许多具有不同宪法的下级市政当局）捆绑在一起的模式，后者以前被称为联盟或邦联。

因此，宪法草案的朋友和支持者将联邦主义者这一术语不恰当地用于他们自己这种滥用语言的行为于事无补；任何程度的强词夺理都只会刺激人，但无法说服人他们是国家主义者，而他们的反对者，或者至少他们中的绝大多数，是唯一真正和严格意义上的联邦主义者。

 注释：普布利乌斯（Publius）是古罗马人的一个相当常见的人名因此，一些联邦党人可能将普布利乌斯理解为使徒行传（28:7）中所称赞的普布利乌斯，他是梅利塔岛（可能是马耳他）上的首领，接待保罗和他同船遇难的人留宿了三天。

但大多数联邦党人可能认为普布利乌斯是普布利乌斯·瓦列里乌斯·普布利可拉（Publius Valerius Publicola），一位生活在公元前6世纪的罗马爱国者、将军和政治家根据《古希腊罗马名人传》（Plutarch’s Lives），他曾多次将早期的罗马共和国从暴政和军事征服中拯救出来。

普布利乌斯是共和国的缔造者之一一些美国创始人认为他的共和声誉优于布鲁图斯和加图的共和忠诚，尽管选择普布利乌斯的另一个原因是，著名的反联邦主义者已经使用了布鲁图斯（罗伯特·耶茨）和加图（乔治·克林顿）这两个笔名。

Whether any form of national government is preferable for the Americans, to a league or confederacy, is a previous question we must first make up our minds upon....

对于美国人来说，任何形式的全国政府是否比联盟或邦联更可取，这是我们必须首先定夺的一个先决问题....That a national government will add to the dignity and increase the splendor of the United States abroad, can admit of no doubt: it is essentially requisite for both. That it will render government, and officers of government, more dignified at home is equally certain. That these objects are more suited to the manners, if not [the] genius and disposition of our people is, I fear, also true. That it is requisite in order to keep us at peace among ourselves, is doubtful. That it is necessary, to prevent foreigners from dividing us, or interfering in our government, I deny positively; and, after all, I have strong doubts whether all its advantages are not more specious than solid. We are vain, like other nations. We wish to make a noise in the world; and feel hurt that Europeans are not so attentive to America in peace, as they were to America in war. We are also, no doubt, desirous of cutting a figure in history. Should we not reflect, that quiet is happiness?

That content and pomp are incompatible? I have either read or heard this truth, which the Americans should never forget: That the silence of historians is the surest record of the happiness of a people. The Swiss have been four hundred years the envy of mankind, and there is yet scarcely an history of their nation. What is history, but a disgusting and painful detail of the butcheries of conquerors, and the woeful calamities of the conquered? Many of us are proud, and are frequently disappointed that office confers neither respect or difference. No man of merit can ever be disgraced by office. A rogue in office may be feared in some governments-he will be respected in none. After all, what we call respect and difference only arise from contrast of situation, as most of our ideas come by comparison and relation. Where the people are free there can be no great contrast or distinction among honest citizens in or out of office. In proportion as the people lose their freedom, every gradation of distinction, between the Governors and governed obtains, until the former become masters, and the latter become slaves. In all governments virtue will command reverence. The divine Cato knew every Roman citizen by name, and never assumed any preeminence; yet Cato found, and his memory will find, respect and reverence in the bosoms of mankind, until this world returns into that nothing, from whence Omnipotence called it. That the people are not at present disposed for, and are actually incapable of, governments of simplicity and equal rights, I can no longer doubt. But whose fault is it? We make them bad, by bad governments, and then abuse and despise them for being so.

Our people are capable of being made anything that human nature was or is capable of, if we would only have a little patience and give them good and wholesome institutions; but I see none such and very little prospect of such. Alas! I see nothing in my fellow-citizens, that will permit my still fostering the delusion, that they are now capable of sustaining the weight of SELF-GOVERNMENT: a burden to which Greek and Roman shoulders proved unequal. The honor of supporting the dignity of the human character, seems reserved to the hardy Helvetians alone. If the body of the people will not govern themselves, and govern themselves well too, the consequence is unavoidable-a FEW will, and must govern them. Then it is that government becomes truly a government by force only, where men relinquish part of their natural rights to secure the rest, instead of an union of will and force, to protect all their natural rights, which ought to be the foundation of every rightful social compact.

毋庸置疑，一个全国政府将在海外为美国增添尊严和辉煌：它是两者的必要前提同样可以肯定的是，它将使政府和政府官员在国内更有尊严如果不是出于我们人民的天性和性情，恐怕这些确实是更适合的行为目标为了保持我们之间的和平而必须这样做，这一点是值得怀疑的。

我断然否认，为了防止外国人分裂我们或干涉我们的政府，它是必要的；毕竟，我强烈怀疑它的所有优点都似是而非我们是虚荣的，就像其他国家一样我们希望在世界范围内发出声音；并为欧洲人在和平时期不像在战争时期那样关注美国而感到伤心。

毫无疑问，我们也希望青史留名我们难道不应该反思，平平淡淡才是真？充实的里子与浮华的面子不可得兼？我读过或听过这样一个真理，美国人不应该忘记它：一个民族幸福的最可靠记录，就是历史学家的沉默四百年来，瑞士人一直是人类羡慕的对象，但他们国家几乎没有历史。

什么是历史，不就是征服者的屠杀和被征服者的悲惨灾难的令人厌恶和痛苦的细节吗？我们中的许多人都很骄傲自负，又经常因为官职既没有带来尊重也没有带来差异感到失望有美德的人永远不会因官职而蒙羞一个当政的无赖在某些政府中可能是令人畏惧的，但在任何政府中他都不会受到尊重。

毕竟，我们所谓的尊重和差异只是出自情境的对比，因为我们的大多数思想来自比较和联系在人民自由的地方，在位或在野的诚实公民之间不会有太大的对比或区别随着人民逐渐失去自由，统治者和被统治者之间的等级差别就逐渐扩大，直到前者成为主人，后者成为奴隶。

在一切政府中，美德必博得尊敬神圣的加图知道每个罗马公民的名字，从不自命不凡；然而加图在人类心中赢得了——他的记忆力也会赢得——尊重和敬畏，直到这个世界回到上帝将之命名为世界的那个虚无之中我不再怀疑，人民目前没有意愿，实际上也没有能力，建立一个简单和平权的政府。

但这是谁的错呢？我们通过恶劣的政府使他们变得恶劣，然后又因为如此而谩骂和鄙视他们只要我们有一点耐心，给他们良好和健全的制度，我们的人民能够成为古往今来人类本性所能塑造之人；但我没有看到，也看不到这样的前景。

唉! 我在我的同胞身上看不到任何东西，会继续助长我这种幻觉：他们现在有能力承受自治的重担——希腊和罗马的肩膀已被证明是不胜任的维护人类人格尊严的荣誉，似乎只留给吃苦耐劳的瑞士人如果人民不能自治，也不能很好地自治，结果是不可避免的。

——少数人将，而且必将治理他们这样一来，政府就完全成为一个仅靠武力的政府，人们放弃部分自然权利以保障其他权利，而不是通过意志和武力的结合来保护他们的一切自然权利，而这些自然权利本应是每个合法社会契约的基础。

Whether national government will be productive of internal peace, is too uncertain to admit of decided opinion. I only hazard a conjecture when I say, that our state disputes, in a confederacy, would be disputes of levity and passion, which would subside before injury. The people being free, government having no right to them, but they to government, they would separate and divide as interest or inclination prompted-as they do at this day, and always have done, in Switzerland. In a national government, unless cautiously and fortunately administered, the disputes will be the deep-rooted differences of interest, where part of the empire must be injured by the operation of general law; and then should the sword of government be once drawn (which Heaven avert) I fear it will not be sheathed, until we have waded through that series of desolation, which France, Spain, and the other great kingdoms of the world have suffered, in order to bring so many separate States into uniformity, of government and law; in which event the legislative power can only be entrusted to one man (as it is with them) who can have no local attachments, partial interests, or private views to gratify.

全国政府是否会促进国内和平，还很不确定，这还没有定论我只是冒险猜测，在一个邦联中，我们邦与邦的争端将是轻率和激情的，会在产生伤害之前平息人民是自由的，政府对他们没有权利，但他们对政府有权利，他们会随着利益或倾向的推动而分分合合。

--正如瑞士人民今日和往昔那样在一个全国政府中，除非谨慎而幸运地管理，争端将是根深蒂固的利益分歧，帝国的一部分必因一般法律的实施而受到损害；政府之剑一旦拔出（老天不会这么做），我担心它将不会入鞘，直到我们经历了法国、西班牙和世界上其他大国所遭受过的一系列疮痍，就为了让这么多独立之邦在政府和法律上保持统一；在这种情况下，立法权只能委托给一个人（就像他们现在那样），他不能去满足地方情结、局部利益或私人之见。

That a national government will prevent the influence or danger of foreign intrigue, or secure us from invasion, is in my judgment directly the reverse of the truth. The only foreign, or at least evil foreign influence, must be obtained through corruption. Where the government is lodged in the body of the people, as in Switzerland, they can never be corrupted; for no prince, or people, can have resources enough to corrupt the majority of a nation; and if they could, the play is not worth the candle. The facility of corruption is increased in proportion as power tends by representation or delegation, to a concentration in the hands of a few. . .

一个全国政府将防止外国阴谋的影响或危险，或确保我们不受入侵，在我看来，这与事实正好相反唯一的外国影响，或者至少是邪恶的外国影响，必通过腐败达成像瑞士那样，如果政府是由人民掌握，他们就永远不会被腐蚀；因为没有哪个君主或人民有足够的资源来腐蚀大多数国民；即使他们可以，此事也不值得去做。

当权力通过代表制或授权制集中在少数人手中时，腐败的便利性就相应增加……As to any nation attacking a number of confederated independent republics ... it is not to be expected, more especially as the wealth of the empire is there universally diffused, and will not be collected into any one overgrown, luxurious and effeminate capital to become a lure to the enterprizing ambitious. That extensive empire is a misfortune to be deprecated, will not now be disputed. The balance of power has long engaged the attention of all the European world, in order to avoid the horrid evils of a general government. The same government pervading a vast extent of territory, terrifies the minds of individuals into meanness and submission. All human authority, however organized, must have confined limits, or insolence and oppression will prove the offspring of its grandeur, and the difficulty or rather impossibility of escape prevents resistance. Gibbon relates that some Roman Knights who had offended government in Rome were taken up in Asia, in a very few days after. It was the extensive territory of the Roman republic that produced a Sylla, a Marius, a Caligula, a Nero, and an Elagabalus. In small independent States contiguous to each other, the people run away and leave despotism to reek its vengeance on itself; and thus it is that moderation becomes with them, the law of self-preservation. These and such reasons founded on the eternal and immutable nature of things have long caused and will continue to cause much difference of sentiment throughout our wide extensive territories. From our divided and dispersed situation, and from the natural moderation of the American character, it has hitherto proved a warfare of argument and reason.

至于任何国家攻击一些联合起来的独立共和国......这是出乎预料的，特别是由于帝国的财富在那里是普遍分散的，不会聚集在任何一个过度膨胀、穷奢极欲和弱不禁风的首都，来诱惑狼子野心之辈庞大的帝国是一种不幸，应该被唾弃，这一点现在不会有争议。

长期以来，权力平衡一直吸引着整个欧洲世界的注意力，以避免总体政府的可怕弊端同一个政府盘踞在广阔的领土之上，会使个人思想受到惊吓而变得卑鄙和顺从所有的人类权威，无论如何组织，都必须有限制，否则其壮大的后果就会是傲慢和压迫，而人民难逃魔爪，无法抵抗。

吉本说，一些在罗马冒犯政府的罗马骑士在几天后就在亚洲被抓住正是罗马共和国广阔的领土产生了苏拉、马略、卡里古拉、尼禄和埃拉加巴鲁斯在彼此相邻的独立小国中，人民逃之夭夭，任由专制主义自寻烦恼；因此，他们就会变得节制，这是自我保护的法则。

这种原因建立在事物的永恒和不可改变的本质上，已经并将继续在我们广阔的领土上引起许多不同的看法从我们分离和散布的局势来看，从美国人温和的天性来看，这迄今为止表现为一场事实和道理之战A FARMER一介农夫

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